Posté le: Ven 19 Mai 2006 15:18 Sujet du message: Les Kushites sauvèrent Israel,en 701 avant Jésus Christ!
Les Kushites sauvèrent Israel de la menace assyrienne,en 701 avant Jésus Christ.C'était à l'époque où ces derniers régnaient sur l'Egypte,la 25ème dynastie.La raison de cette intervention:les kushites avaient besoins que leur frontière nord soit stable pour le commerce et pour prévenir les futures tentatives d'invasions.
"Aubin provides the most convincing explanation for the Assyrian retreat from Jerusalem. In doing so, he has unmasked the unconscious racism that has mangled the scholarly understanding of Egypt for more than a century. . . . His insights are of astonishing breadth, originality, and importance." [Prof. Bruce G. Trigger, Professor of Anthropology, McGill University, author of A History of Archeological Thought and Nubia Under the Pharaohs].
From Library Journal
"Aubin argues that the Kushite rescue of Jerusalem from certain annihilation in 701 B.C.E. instigated the Jewish concept of being God's "elect" and was therefore a seminal event in the development of Zionism. Dealing competently with the biblical and historical sources despite what some might see as a lack of formal training in this area (he is a journalist instead of a historian, though he did do graduate work in history at the University of Strasbourg), Aubin asserts that the Kushites black Africans who ruled Egypt at this time saved the city from destruction by the Assyrians. According to Aubin, historians accepted this view until the late 19th century, when colonialism impinged on the European perception of these events; suddenly, the theory that an epidemic weakened the Assyrian army rose to prominence. Aubin asserts that this was one of the most important battles in history; had the Assyrians wiped out Jerusalem, there would have been no Christianity or Islam. Whether or not one accepts his conclusions, this work is a wonderful exercise in historiography." [Recommended for all academic libraries. Clay Williams, Hunter College Library, City University of New York.]
2,700 Years Ago a Black Army Fought to Save the Nation of Israel
Book Reviewed by Robert Fikes Jr.
ki nèg nwè ki nèg klè
ki nèg klè ki nèg nwè
tout nèg a nèg
nèg klè pè nèg nwè
nèg nwè pa lè wè nèg klè
nèg nwè ké wéy klè
senti i sa roune nèg klè
mè nèg klè ké wéy klè a toujou nèg
sa ki fèt pou nèg vin' blang?
blang té gen chivé pli long?
pou senblé yé nou trapé chivé plat kon fil mang!!!
mandé to fanm...!
mè pou kisa blang lé vin' nwè?
ha... savé ki avan vin' blan yé té ja nèg!
a nou mèm ké nou mèm dépi nânni nânnan...
chinwa soti, kouli soti, indyen soti, blang soti
mèm koté nèg soti
Information from the book The Rescue of Jerusalem: The Alliance Between Hebrews and Africans in 701 B.C., Henry T. Aubin (April 1, 2003)
Kush's population was . . . . . perhaps below half a million people. Estimates of Egypt's population in the late eighth century BC range from 2.5 million to more than double that.
David O'Connor, "Early States along the Nubian Nile," in Egypt and Africa: Nubia from Prehistory to Islam, ed. by W.V. Davies (London: British Museum Press, 1991), p. 147. O'Connor's estimate of 460,000 is for the Bronze Age, a period that would have elapsed several centuries before the eighth century BC, but there would probably have been no great change in population.
Given the slender nature of the available demographic evidence, it is wise to treat all estimates of Kush's population with great caution.
Favoring a population of 2.5 million for Egypt is Karl W. Butzer, Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt; A Study in Cultural Ecology (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1976), graph on p. 85. Butzer derives his estimate from the amount of land under cultivation.
Preferring a higher figure is David O'Connor, "The New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period, 1552-664 BC" in Ancient Egypt: A Social History, ed. by E.G. , B.J. Kemp, D. O'Connor and A.B. Lloyd (Cambridge: Cambridge University 983). He estimates that Egypt's population may have been between 2.9 million million in the period of 1500-1000 BC and that by 300 BC it would have risen (Lion p. 190). He does not deal with the in-between period. If one assumes a generally upward (if uneven) rate of growth, one might hazard that Egypt in 701 BC would—following O'Connor's model—have had a population in the neighborhood 5-6 million people.
The Kushite kingdom, which was known in its later phases by the name of Meroe, existed at least 1,100 years. That is longer than the span of such other better-known states as ancient Assyria, Israel, Greece, Rome or the Hittite empire. Even more astonishing is Kush's political and social stability during those centuries. While scholars do not know whether there was a turnover of dynasties, William Adams observes that the "unbroken continuity of the monarchy seems beyond dispute." True, the Egypt of the pharaohs enjoyed a much longer reign (about 3,000 years) than Kush. But bear in mind that during that time Egypt frequently fell into political disunity, splitting into two or more states and sometimes being taken over, and ruled for a century or more by groups from outside the Nile Valley, such as the Hyksos and Libyans. Indeed, in Egypt of the late eighth century BC no fewer than three different pharaonic dynasties were co-existing uneasily. For the kingdom of Kush, no evidence exists of similar rupture or discontinuity. When in the fourth century AD the kingdom finally did wither, this may have been due less to internal problem than to disruptions originating from the outside world.
Why did the Kushites accept the appeal to send forces abroad for the mission of confronting the Assyrians?
Allowing events to speak for themselves, we can see the reasons behind the 25th Dynasty's incursion into Khor (ancient Egyptian name for the region of the Fertile Crescent, the territory encompassing the ancient kingdoms of Judah and Israel, Philistine land, Phoenician lands, Syria, Dead Sea occupied by the minor kingdom of Ammon, Moab and Edom).
The first, of course, is self-defense. Assyria had cut a destructive swath through Khor, and then advanced to the threshold of Egypt, treasure-house of the ancient world, in an increasingly menacing manner a total of five times in the previous 33 years (in 734, 733-732, 720, 716 and 712). On one of those occasions, 716, it had perhaps barged through the door. Assyria eventually did invade Egypt—unsuccessfully in 674 and victoriously in 671. The empire represented a mortal threat to it. Did Egypt have intelligence Sennacherib planned to invade Egypt in 701, after bringing Khor to heel? Or that he planned to do so in the next several years, after consolidating his control of the region? We do not know. But the 25th Dynasty would have deemed it madness to sit back and wait. The new Assyrian king's appetite for war, as displayed in his response to the rebellion in Khor and in the conquests he already undertaken east of Nineveh during the first three years of his reign, showed him to be ruthlessly ambitious.
For Egypt, northern Philistia and the Phoenician cities of Sidon and Tyre were of little defensive significance (though very important for trade). But southern Philistia, including Ekron, Ashkelon and Gaza, were crucial. Southernmost Khor represented a land bridge between the Assyrian empire and Egypt. Assyria, which had no navy, needed an advance position to serve as a logistic base for any invasion across the Sinai and into Africa.
The 25th Dynasty, in short, felt it needed to preserve southern Khor as a relatively neutral zone, or buffer, in order to protect the Nile Valley, including not only Lower and Upper Egypt, but Kush as well. Despite its remoteness, Kush was not invulnerable to attack. Far from it. In 591 BC, under Psamtik II of the 26th Dynasty, an Egyptian army employing Ionian, Carian and Rhodian mercenaries would sack the Nile city of Napata. Later that same century, Persia's King Cambyses would also try to conquer Kush apparently turning back when he ran out of supplies. And in first century BC, the Romans succeeded in reaching Napata and plundering it.
The dynasty's second reason was trade. Kush and Egypt important commercial ties to maintain with the region. Egypt's major overland trade road, the "Way of the Sea," traversed the Sinai and continued along the coast of Philistia until Phoenicia, the trading centre of the Mediterranean and the Near and Middle East. Sea trade was extensive as well; Byblos, located in present—Lebanon, traditionally ranked as Egypt's favored port in Khor. By sea came timber, particularly cedar, from Phoenicia's conifer forests. Egypt, with little wood of its own, needed the timber for ship building and construction of buildings. Other products from Khor that found markets in Egypt included olive oil, wine and spices, as well as salves and alum, both used in medicine, and resin, a timber by-product used in mummification.
Keeping these land and sea routes open and free of hostile interference would have been a central economic concern for Egypt and Kush alike. It is unclear to what extent, if any, the Assyrian Empire was hindering trade at this time. The pharaoh might have feared, however, that if Sennacherib were to succeed in consolidation his hold on the region, Egyptian and Kushite commercial interest could only suffer, just as rolling back the Assyians presence could only help. Trade, then, may not have been a primary reason for the Kushite Dynasty's intervention, but it would have presented a handsome fringe benefit.
It was in Kushite Egypt's compelling self-interest, then, to commit itself totally to the task of keeping southern Khor out of Assyrian hands. After sending an initial army, composed of forces that were already in northern Egypt, to confront the Assyrian army, the government would have felt the stakes sufficiently to mobilize and dispatch additional troops from elsewhere in Egypt and Kush.
DECIDING TO launch themselves militarily in the Middle East, would the Kushite planners have felt out of their element there or on unfamiliar ground?
Contrary to the popular understanding, sub-Saharan soldiers were no strangers to that part of the world. Records indicate their involvement in Khor for at least 1,500 years prior to Sennacherib's invasion. Indeed, some six centuries before that conflict, Kushite were serving under the ultimate authority of Egypt were actually posted in Jerusalem as defenders of that town. Prior to 701, most recent involvement of black Africans in Khor would probably been c. 712, when some served as mercenaries in the Ashdodite rebellion against Assyria. For Kushite strategists in 701, an expedition across the Sinai and into the coastal plains and hills of Khor would not have been seen necessarily as a geographically exotic adventure. It would have been within the Kushite military's traditional area of deployment.
Yet military activity was not the only means by which Kushites had become familiar with Khor and even regions beyond. Commerce was another. Kushite trade missions would have journeyed as far as Assyria. The Kushites bred an unusually large horse in the dry highlands of the Dongola Reach, on the west bank of the Nile just below Kawa and downstream from Napata. In an article on Assyrian forces, Stephanie Dalley describes a document from 732 BC that has been found at Nimrud, Assyria's capital at the time. The document mentions Kushites in such a manner as to suggest that Kushite "horse experts were at the court of Tiglath-pileser, and that the business of importing Nubian horses into Assyria began in earnest during his reign."
The Assyrians deemed the large "Kush" horse to be the most desirable of all breeds for the chariotry (as distinct from the cavalry). So coveted was it as a battle horse that, Dalley speculates, the unstated main objective of both Tiglath-pileser and Sargon in establishing trading posts at (or inside) the Egyptian border was to improve their pipeline to the horses. Various states in Khor also appear to have prized these matchless chariot-pullers. The point is that prior to its ascendancy in Egypt, Kush was not so isolated from markets in Khor and Mesopotamia as one might imagine. (Indeed, it is reasonable to ask whether a mission to Assyria's capital by Kushite horse experts did not also serve as an opportunity for intelligence gathering.)
How much of an underdog would Kushite Egypt have been in a matchup between its total forces and Assyria's total forces?
Spalinger's even-handed study of the available evidence of Kushite field tactics, weaponry and protective gear in Piye's reign concludes that these were "backward" compared with Assyria's. Still, Kush would have taken pains over the next generation to narrow the military gap between itself and Assyria. An allusion by Isaiah to Kushite Egypt testifies to the impressiveness of its forces just prior to the showdown of 701. The prophet says Jerusalem seeks help from the 25th Dynasty's forces because of its "trust in the multitude of their chariots and in the great strength of their horsemen."
Kushite Egypt probably also had the element in its favor. After all, no pharaoh since the marauding Shishak, 200 years before, had sent an army to Khor, and that had been in an offensive, not defensive capacity. Sennacherib may have anticipated that the 25th Dynasty would follow the familiar pattern of waiting for the Assyrian army to reach the Sinai before trying to block it.
Finally, we do not know what portion of Assyria's forces was on that campaign in Khor. Anticipating an easy sweep, Sennacherib may not have campaigned at maximum strength. We can confidently assume, however, that the 25th Dynasty was ready to throw everything it had at Sennacherib. For King Shebitku, sending his troops into Khor would have been the penultimate gamble. If, having drained Egypt and Kush of all available manpower for this desperate attempt to head the enemy off, the 25th Dynasty should lose in Khor, the Nile Valley would be virtually defenseless.
If in the late summer of 701 BC Judah's survival was hanging in the balance, so, too, was the security of Egypt and, ultimately, of Kush.
Deliverance was put together in distinct layers indicates, when those layers are separated, that this advancing army prompted the invaders' retreat. . . . . in the centuries following the rescue, both Herodotus and biblical oracles present the Assyrians as fleeing under conditions of duress, pursued by an armed foe. The only adversary in that theater of war capable of causing such distress was the Kushite-Egyptian expedition. In the years immediately following Assyria's withdrawal, Egypt under the Kushite pharaohs enjoyed extraordinary political and commercial influence in Judah and elsewhere in Khor, influence that is consistent with having emerged from this conflict with the upper hand.
Sennacherib returned to Nineveh in disgrace. Shortly afterwards, while Sennacherib was worshiping in the temple of his god Nisroch, two of his sons killed him and fled.
A variety of ancient texts—Assyrian, Judahite and Greek—show that in this period Kushite Egypt also possessed a reputation for exceptional military prowess, which is consistent with having forced Assyria's departure. And finally, in addition to the implicit message of Second Kings' broken-reed passage, the Hebrew Bible in several places accords Kush great honor. No other nation receives such special treatment, and no explanation presents itself other than the Kushite Dynasty's help to Judah against Assyria.
King Shebitku
He was buried at el-Kurru in a tomb that was lavishly supplied with funerary goods, including vessels of various stones and finely worked articles of ivory and gold
Sennacherib
The relief shows a hunting scene found at the Assyrian palace at Nineveh. _________________ "tout nèg a nèg
ki nèg nwè ki nèg klè
ki nèg klè ki nèg nwè
tout nèg a nèg
nèg klè pè nèg nwè
nèg nwè pa lè wè nèg klè
nèg nwè ké wéy klè
senti i sa roune nèg klè
mè nèg klè ké wéy klè a toujou nèg
sa ki fèt pou nèg vin' blang?
blang té gen chivé pli long?
pou senblé yé nou trapé chivé plat kon fil mang!!!
mandé to fanm...!
mè pou kisa blang lé vin' nwè?
ha... savé ki avan vin' blan yé té ja nèg!
a nou mèm ké nou mèm dépi nânni nânnan...
chinwa soti, kouli soti, indyen soti, blang soti
mèm koté nèg soti
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